The late US VP Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was regarded as arguably the most significant incumbents of the vice-presidency in American history. Although numerous vice-presidents were limited to minor or ceremonial functions, Cheney wielded substantial influence during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often referred to as the "actual president".
Bush disliked that description and said the dynamic was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was deferential, consistently addressing him in official appearances as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush challenged even portrayals of their association as a partnership because it suggested that they were peers. Despite these objections, Cheney viewed the easygoing president accommodating on a broad range of governmental choices.
A Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a group of conservative hawks that featured military head Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. While Bush traveled to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the shooting down of any unidentified planes approaching the government building.
Cheney stated the assaults altered his perspective, leading him to become determined on retaliation. Along with other neo-cons, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Policies
He voiced no apologies about the military campaign, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, nor about the waterboarding of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on misleading intelligence circulated by Cheney, was the correct decision. "It proved to be the proper decision to do then. I had faith at the time and I maintain that stance now."
However even then, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, inaction, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, lying, incompetence, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely responsible for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had drafted a document setting out circumstances in which national priorities might be compromised (featuring "access to vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "the US should be positioned to act independently when joint efforts cannot be arranged," particularly citing military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the presidency vaguely intent on executing what his parent had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been sacked by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of diminishing America's engagement in the regional tensions and mooted defense operations against Iraq.
Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a conspiracy to assassinate his father, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the biggest accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his father's face that each person had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most outspoken behind invading Iraq, repeatedly referencing intelligence reports that were both weak or entirely deceptive. He supported what the Bush White House indirectly described as "enhanced interrogation", the employment of simulated drowning and torture.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no useful information had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney rejected the report as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place programmes to capture the individuals who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed monikers assigned to him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the evil genius in the corner that operates invisibly emerge from his domain? It's a nice way to work, in fact."
Corporate Connections
Debate over his commercial relationships followed him throughout his time as vice-president. Even though he had minimal expertise in business but strong connections in military, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest oil and gas companies, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's running mate for the White House. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US deals valued at multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his period at the firm rose from his quarter-million dollars while defence secretary to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at over $20m|twenty
